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- The Development Decade - Economic and Social Change in South Africa, 1994-2004
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After understanding should come explication, critique, and criticism. In this dissertation I attempt to do all these things and I have found that it is no easy task. I must, therefore, apologize in advance for any mistakes of omission, interpretation, or misrepresentation which I have made. NOTES 1. I emphasize the latter because evolution is a given in the world, the process through which our identity has been constituted. Folk models which are not capable of incorporating into their perspective the new knowledge which science has provided about the material world are in danger of becoming irrelevant or obsolete.
For an insightful discussion of some of these issues see Ndebele I was both married and accosted by thieves in Lesotho. Although I cannot go into details here, suffice it to say that the latter incident was more frightening than the former.
Time of Struggle and Strife Lesotho and the Bantustans Herding and Domestic Labor General Information on Survey Respondents Questionnaire with Sotho and Xhosa Translations Coding of Survey Responses Survey Results Comparative Factors in Research Design Economy, Ritual, and Ethnic Background Ethnic Composition of Vaal Reef's No.
Sketch Map of South Africa Sketch Map of Lesotho Sketch Map of Transkei Opposition party in Lesotho. Major dam project in Lesotho. KL Kingdom of Lesotho. Largest association of unions in Lesotho.
The Development Decade - Economic and Social Change in South Africa, 1994-2004
Second largest association of unions in Lesotho. Military wing of BCP. Agency that hires Africans to work at South African mines. Apostolic Churches Africanist churches usually retaining more of the trappings of orthodox Protestant worship than do Zionist churches. Bantustan Pseudo-states established by South Africa as African homelands.
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Also, as sometimes used in Lesotho, cruel persons in general. Ciskei One of two Bantustans established for Xhosaspeakers. Furthest from Lesotho. Replaced by umsindleko. Lekhotla la Bafo Council of Commoners. Early political organization in Lesotho. Lifaqane Nineteenth-century wars between African chiefdoms. Also called mfecane.
Ancestral shades. The loti is the official currency of Lesotho, but South African rands are freely traded. Herbalist and Diviner.
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Russians Criminal gang allegedly used by White authorities to cause dissension among workers and protesters. Replaced umhlinzeko. Transkei One of two Bantustans established for Xhosaspeakers. Borders on Lesotho. Associated here with Mpondo miners. Zionist Church -Africanist churches associated with distinctive uniforms, healing practices, and dancing.
I have adopted the practice of giving the Sesotho translation first, followed by the isiXhosa translation set off by a slash mark. Where possible, in direct quotations the Sesotho or isiXhosa as actually spoken follows the English translation.
The structure of Sesotho and isiXhosa words makes them a bit difficult to adopt into non-Bantu languages. It has become common to drop the noun prefixes of words in Bantu languages when writing in English. I have adopted this practice, with some modification. I use Sotho and Xhosa adjectively or when referring to the languages themselves as in: Sotho and Xhosa, Sotho history, Xhosaspeaking mineworkers, etc.
I prefer the former because the noun roots "-sotho" and "-xhosa" lack adjectival forms. Yet, it simply does not sound proper to xx my ears to refer to a person without the appropriate prefix used in reference to people. The reader should beware then that Mosotho refers to a single person, while Basotho refers to many Sotho people. Similarly, an umXhosa is one person while amaXhosa are more than one. In writing Sotho I use the standard orthography of Lesotho.
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It should be noted that in this system "1" before the letters "u" and "i" is pronounced something like the English "d" rather than like the English "1. They occur only before vowels, as in ho ea and ho oa. The "h" represents aspiration. Xhosa has several phonemes not found in Sotho. These include "ty" and "tyh" palatal affricatives , "x" and "xh" alveolar lateral affricative clicks , and "c" and "ch" alveolar affricative clicks.
Voicing and nasalization is also a distinguishing feature of Xhosa. Each of the above clicks can be voiced and nasalized. Similarly, the voiced alveolar lateral "dl" as in amandla occurs in Sotho in unvoiced form "tl" as in matla. The Xhosa which I studied in Lesotho varies somewhat from written Xhosa and has signficant Sotho admixture. Where Xhosa speakers use Sotho words I have tried to spell them as they might appear in xxi Xhosa orthography.
My decision to give many words and phrases in Xhosa and in Sotho is meant as an implicit argument for the structural similarity of their metaphorical systems. A final word should be said about the use of the terms "white" "black," and "colored. It has three principle objectives: 1 to depict the situation of Lesotho's people so their experiences can be "understood" in the sense used by sociologist W. Runciman, 2 to synthesize interpretive and inductive models of social study, and 3 to evaluate the experiences, events, and perspectives described in terms of so-called materialist and idealist epistemology.
Lesotho is described as a polity in which material conditions are frequently difficult, crime is at crisis levels, and governance is harsh. Dependence on migrant labor is high and is likely to remain so in the foreseeable future. In terms of economic dependency and political vulnerability there are only minor differences between Lesotho and South Africa's pseudo-states. On one end are those who are actively involved in labor organization and who militantly resist the system of labor control of which they are a part.
One the other end are people, such a mine policemen, who evidence some identification with the prevailing authority systems. In between these two extremes are the many who comply with the system because of overwhelming economic dependency. The situation in southern Lesotho of relatively cooperative relations between Sotho and Xhosa-speakers is contrasted with the situation in South Africa's gold mines, where Sotho and Xhosa-speakers are said to fight. A study of events at an Anglo-American gold mine from to suggests that known markers of ethnicity are utilized to identify groups competing for material interests.
Evidence is presented showing that some White administrators are involved in actively manipulating ethnic divisions among the workers. The author argues that attitudes and ideas are patterned by experience in the material world and these patterns can be known through inductive methods. Yet, "idealists" have a point in seeking empathic understanding and in rejecting the simplistic causal models posited by some "materialists. Yet very frequently the 'world images' that have been created by 'ideas' have, like switchmen, determined the tracks along which action has been pushed by the dynamic of interest.
It is a study of people reporting about, conceptualizing, making ritual sense of, and evaluating themselves and others from the context of experiences generated by the South African political-economy. This task is essentially journalistic. But it is set within a broad theoretical question, namely, "What is the relationship between ideas and material conditions?
In these terms, such a study would examine linkages between thought superstructure , political-economic relationships structure , and material conditions base. Marx's proclamation that, "It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness" Marx tersely describes the core assumption about those linkages made by those that ultimately seek to call themselves "materialists.
Another approach, a radical hermeneutic or interpretive one, would not formulate the study in such terms at all. For the interpretivist what is important is bringing to light and making meaningful to outsiders the world of meaning and experience of insiders. For them, the feuds over causality so common in the human "sciences" are only another sort of discourse. As one hermeneutician notes: "Verstehen [interpretive understanding], has to my knowledge, never been considered by any hermeneutician as a form of causal explanation or even a substitute therefore 3.
Adopting this perspective, one would study discourse in terms of its setting and social action in terms of the discourses by which such action is interpreted and be content when meaningful patterns can be discerned. By addressing questions of causality the present work is placed on the side of the materialists. Yet, it must be admitted that in treating something as vast, diverse, and mercurial as "thought", causal analysis of an empirical sort is fraught with difficulties.
On this point Femia, a critic of Gramsci's political philosophy, argues that: Historically, changes in both base and superstructure have occurred simultaneously and continuously, making it hard to isolate distinct orders of succession. To discover correlations, or 'elective affinities', is not sufficient, because a correlation, in itself, can tell us nothing about the direction of causation. What all these considerations point to is this: it is beyond the realm of possibility to conduct anything like a controlled experiment of the materialist hypothesis.
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Still, the apparent methodological impossibility of proving that some factor B in social life is a derivation of some other factor A does not render the relationship logically impossible. Nor does it mean that rational argument about such relationships is pointless. Femia , italics in the original Such problems are exemplified in the modern debate in South African scholarship over the determining roles of "race" and "class" in the development and maintenance of 4 segregation and apartheid.
Prior to the s the most widely accepted argument was that, racism was not dependent upon economic concerns. Although some of the economic ramifications of racism were noted, it was seen primarily as imposing artificial and limiting constraints on the market. Neo-classical economics and sociology were combined to form this the "pluralist" argument. From this perspective apartheid was explained primarily in terms of attitudes, values, and beliefs Johnstone As Goldin puts it: "Culture, tradition and shared socialization.
This type of explanation, Johnstone points out, is essentially "idealist"; it posits causality moving from the realm of ideas "down" to the realm of society. The pluralists were challenged by Marxist analyses, notably those of Wolpe , Arrighi , and Bundy Each of these scholars pointed out the manner in which racial domination articulated with the exploitation of the labor of Black people.
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Wolpe in particular stressed the class nature of apartheid as a system of labor regulation and the functions it served in enhancing capitalist accumulation.