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Just follow these simple steps Step 1. Want a cheeky peak at a few members near you? After being housed in temporary places of safety including police stations and community halls for three weeks, those who fled the violence were moved into specially established temporary camps. The South African government initially adopted a policy of quickly reintegrating refugees into the communities they originally fled [42] and subsequently set a deadline in July , by which time refugees would be expected to return to their communities or countries of origin.

In May , one year after the attacks, the City of Cape Town said it would apply for an eviction order to force remaining refugees to leave two refugee camps in that city. Several political parties blamed each other, and sometimes other influences, for the attacks. The Gauteng provincial branch of the ANC alleged that the violence was politically motivated by a "third hand" that was primarily targeting the ANC for the general elections. Helen Zille , leader of the official opposition party the Democratic Alliance DA , pointed to instances of crowds of rioters singing " Umshini wami ", a song associated with then-president of the ANC Jacob Zuma , [50] and noted that the rioters also hailed from the rank and file of the ANC Youth League.

She alleged that Zuma had promised years before to his supporters to take measures against the immigration of foreign nationals to South Africa and that Zuma's most recent condemnation of the riots and distancing from the anti-immigration platform was not enough of a serious initiative against the participation of fellow party members in the violence.

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Zuma, in turn, condemned both the attacks and the Mbeki government's response to the attacks; Zuma also lamented the usage of his trademark song " Umshini wami " by the rioters. Zille was also criticised by Finance Minister Trevor Manuel for being quoted in the Cape Argus as saying that foreigners were responsible for a bulk of the drug trade in South Africa.

In KwaZulu-Natal province, Bheki Cele , provincial community safety minister, blamed the Inkatha Freedom Party , a nationalist Zulu political party, for stoking and capitalising on the violence in Durban. Radical grassroots movements and organisations came out strongly against the xenophobic attacks calling them pogroms promoted by government and political parties.

The attacks were condemned by a wide variety of organisations and government leaders throughout Africa and the rest of the world. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees expressed concerns about the violence and urged the South African government to cease deportation of Zimbabwean nationals and also to allow the refugees and asylum seekers to regularise their stay in the country. Malawi began repatriation of some of its nationals in South Africa. The Mozambican government sponsored a repatriation drive that saw the registration of at least 3 individuals.

In late May , reports emerged regarding a possible resurgence of xenophobic related activity and the organising of attacks in the Western Cape. Reports of threats and secret meetings by local businessmen surfaced in Gugulethu , Khayelitsha and Philippi, Cape Town. Samora Machel in Philippi once again emerging as a flash-point. The Anti-Eviction Campaign brought these issues to the open by organising a series of anti-xenophobia meetings attempting to find the root cause of the crisis. In November , a community of Zimbabwean farm workers was forcibly evicted from their homes in the informal settlements of De Doorns, a grape-farming town in the Western Cape.

No persons were physically assaulted but homes were trashed and looted and this led to the biggest displacement of foreign nationals since May The Zimbabweans were then housed in a displaced persons' camp where some remained for a year until it was closed. Researchers identified the role of a ward councillor, Mpumelelo Lubisi, in inciting the attack in possible collusion with informal labour brokers who had financial interests in getting rid of their Zimbabwean competitors.

South African workers also accused farmers of employing the Zimbabweans at less than minimum wage farmers and Zimbabwean workers denied this. In the press carried numerous articles claiming that there would be massive planned xenophobic violence at the end of the Football World Cup. However this did not happen. Parliamentary discussions on border security are rife with claims that foreign nationals are attempting to drain social grants and economic opportunities from citizens.

The packaging of illegal immigration as a national security threat, which often relies on unsubstantiated claims about the inherent criminality of foreign nationals, provides an official gloss on deeply entrenched governmental xenophobia, in which African immigrants are targets for regular harassment, rounding up and extortion by the police.

This normalisation of immigrants as figures of resentment may also fuel outbreaks of xenophobic violence. The violence was captured on a mobile phone and shared on the Internet. Three Somali shopkeepers had been killed in June and the Somali government requested the South African authorities to do more to protect their nationals. Among those murdered were two brothers who were allegedly hacked to death.


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South African Foreign Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane expressed the government's "strongest condemnation" of the violence which had seen looting and the death of a Somali shopkeeper. On 7 June , a Somali national, in his 50s, was reportedly stoned to death and two others were seriously injured when the angry mob of locals attacked their shop in extension 6, late on Saturday.

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Three more Somalis were wounded from gunshots and shops were looted. After another round of xenophobic violence against Somali entrepreneurs in April , Somalia's government announced that it would evacuate its citizens from South Africa. In April , there was an upsurge in xenophobic attacks throughout the country.

Xenophobia in South Africa

The attacks started in Durban and spread to Johannesburg. Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini was accused of aggravating the attacks by saying that foreigners should "go back to their countries". Locals looted foreigners' shops and attacked immigrants in general, forcing hundreds to relocate to police stations across the country. The Malawian authorities subsequently began repatriating their nationals, and a number of other foreign governments also announced that they would evacuate their citizens. The man, Emmanuel Sithole, died from his wounds.


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They sang songs denouncing xenophobia and carried banners that read "We are all Africans" as migrant workers crowded balconies, shouting their support. In October there were sustained xenophobic attacks in Grahamstown in the Eastern Cape. It as reported that more than people were displaced and more than shops and homes looted and, in some cases, destroyed altogether. In these attacks Muslims were specifically targeted. The Grahamstown xenophobic attacks that took place on 21 October , and coincided with the FeesMustFall protest at Rhodes University , lasted for several days.

The attacks were instigated by the taxi drivers' protests, where the drivers' were protesting over the terrible state of roads, the rise in crime and rumours of murders committed by foreigners. Their demands were that the mayor ought to do something about their grievances. Their grievances were not addressed by the mayor. On 21 October taxi drivers attacked spaza shops owned by Pakistani, Somali, Bangladeshi and Ethiopian residents of Grahamstown. There was a mobilisation of people by the taxi drivers, with the aim of attacking and looting shops owned by foreigners. Grahamstown residents in the townships were angry at the police for not doing anything to dispel the rumours, despite having been warned by the councillors that the residents might end up taking the law into their own hands.

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Thus, it was these rumours that incited the attacks on foreigners. The meeting was focused on how the municipality and the South African police would pacify the residents and address the situation. During that meeting, there was no representative from the police and one of the ward councillors further legitimized the attacks through xenophobic sentiments centred on not giving foreigners a platform to have their own shops. Reports from the residents alleged that the police's attitudes were that of indifference, with some participating in the looting. Thus, looting was allowed in the township and not tolerated in town.

The xenophobic attacks in Grahamstown differed from the usual xenophobic attacks in South Africa as the ones in Grahamstown were mostly targeted at Muslims. The main reason why Muslims were targeted was mainly due to the rumour that an Arab man was responsible for the murder of women in the town.

From 20—23 June a wave of riots hit the City of Tshwane. Although the riots were sparked by political discontent within the ANC, [94] Somali, [95] Pakistani [96] and other foreign owned shops and micro enterprises were targeted for looting [97] and a number of foreigners were attacked.